May 5, 2019

The Origins of Cinco de Mayo

Cinco de Mayo has been observed in Los Angeles every year since 1862, without a break. But the history of its origins as a civil rights commemoration has been lost over the past 160 years, and it has become reduced, in many cases, to "Drinko de Mayo."
By David E. Hayes-Bautista - The NiLP Report 

Why is the Cinco de Mayo so widely celebrated in the United States, when it is scarcely noticed in Mexico? The answer to that question is to be found in the lived experience of tens of thousands of Spanish speakers residing in what is now the American West during the American Civil War. What? Latinos in the American Civil War? 

When Hidalgo proclaimed Mexico's independence from Spain in 1810, he also announced racial equality in citizenship and the abolition of slavery in the new republic. When the US seized control of the northern half of Mexico in 1848, it also acquired a large, Spanish-speaking, racially mixed (mestizo) population that was largely uncomfortable with the new US constitutional values that permitted slavery and denied citizenship to non-white persons. 

Latino delegates successfully pushed the 1849 California Constitutional Convention to honor Mexico's earlier abolition of slavery, to allow non-white persons to become voting citizens, and to do so in both Spanish and English. California's entry to the US as a free state, without an accompanying slave state as mandated by the 1820 Missouri Compromise, nearly led to Slave State secession and civil war immediately. The compromise of 1850 staved off this war for a decade, and during that time tens of thousands of Spanish-speakers from every corner of Latin America poured into California and Nevada seeking gold and silver. When the Civil War did erupt in 1861, Latinos in the American West overwhelmingly supported Abraham Lincoln and the United States against the Slave State Confederacy. Latinos joined the United States Army, and rode in units of Spanish Speaking US Cavalry: the first full admiral of the US navy was a bilingual, bicultural Latino, David Farragut. Yet, from the very first Battle of Bull Run, the Slave State armies rode a streak of luck, winning highly visible battles in the Virginia Theater of War, while Lincoln's army appeared unable to win the big battles. 

Then, things got worse. Taking advantage of Lincoln's preoccupation with the Civil War, Napoleon
III, the Emperor of the French, sent his army into Mexico for the purpose of destroying a republic with its constitutional values and installing Maximilian of Austria as a new emperor, who would then be free to make an alliance with the rebelling Slave States. 

Latinos in the American West followed the advance of the French army through Mexico via the lively Spanish language press in San Francisco and Los Angeles. When the French army was only about three days' march away from Mexico City, the future for dark-skinned mestizos who might fall under the power of the Confederacy appeared to be bleak. 

Like a streak of lightning in the dark night sky, the news arrived, and it was electrifying: The French did not make it to Mexico City to create a Slave State friend south of the border---they were stopped dead at the Battle of Puebla fought on Cinco de Mayo of 1862, and thrown back to the coast at Veracruz. Although the news arrived three weeks after the actual battle, Latinos in California, Nevada and Oregon immediately erupted into joyous, spontaneous celebrations, They then began to organize themselves into the first regional network of Latino community organizations, the Juntas Patrióticas Mejicanas. It was established in 129 locations in in the American West, to channel their economic support to Juarez for his purchase of arms and ammunition to fight the French, and their political support Lincoln. Each Junta met every month, three or four speakers would harangue the crowds at each meeting, and the focal point of most of the speeches was the victory of Cinco de Mayo. 

Every year, the Juntas in many towns organized public events on the Cinco de Mayo as a public statement of where Latinos stood on the issues of the American Civil War: they opposed slavery and supported freedom; they opposed white supremacy and supported racial equality. Led by both the Mexican and the US flags, parades would march through the streets of towns and mining camps of the American West, speakers would energize the crowds, bands played music, the militia saluted with rifles and cannon, and then dances would last until the early hours of the morning. 

Cinco de Mayo has been observed in Los Angeles every year since 1862, without a break. But the history of its origins as a civil rights commemoration has been lost over the past 160 years, and it has become reduced, in many cases, to "Drinko de Mayo." 

It is time to take Cinco de Mayo back from drunken revelers wearing sarapes and straw sombreros, and return it to its origins as a Latino public statement of commitment to freedom, equality and democracy. I would encourage us all to commit to creating the 21 century version, "Cinco de Mayo for social justice." 

¡Que viva el Cinco de Mayo! 

David E. Hayes-Bautista, PhD is Distinguished Professor of Medicine and Director of the Center for the Study of Latino Health and Culture at the David Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA. He is the author of the book upon which this commentary is based, El Cinco de Mayo: An American Tradition (University of California Press, 2012). He can be reached at dhayesb@ucla.edu. 

Nov 20, 2018

Latino Journal Names President Donald Trump As Man of The Year

  • The Increasing California Latino Political Influence
  • Trump on track to make California Republicans Irrelevant
  • Republicans are feeling the pain of future irrelevance in California
  • California voters affirm sanctuary status and reject xenophobia
By José L. Pérez, Latino Journal and Adrian Pérez, SacLatino Magazine

Though some vote counting is still going on in California, it is already too evident the large Latino population is beginning to express its numerical strength by increasing its political power.

Nationally, The Guardian published that the "Latino turnout up 174% in 2018 midterms elections, Democrats say." And continued, "The Hispanic community will have record level of representation in Congress with at least 42 members: 34 Democrats and eight Republicans." And, that was before Gil Cisneros won his congressional race in California.

As a result of the 2018 elections Latinos will hold a first ever 50% of California's Constitutional Offices; 25% of the State Legislature; 28% of the State Assembly and 17.5% of the State Senate; and 32% of the 53 House seats in Congress. Latino voters also helped turn the once super red county of Orange into a blue base.

California's Latinos are the most populous with over 40% of the population followed by Caucasians (38%), Asians (14%), African Americans (5.9%), and American Indians (2%) respectively. Based on the midterm election results, it is evident that Latinos are on their way to gain half of all California's political power within the next decade.

So, why are Latinos now increasing their political power?

A good place to start is with the xenophobic rhetoric against immigrants coming from former Republican California Governor Pete Wilson's Proposition 187 in 1994 and more recently from President Donald Trump who is using the caravan of desperate Central Americans as a tool to gather more support from those who share his philosophy.

Proposition 187 passed and would have barred undocumented immigrant access to health care, housing and education had it not been declared unconstitutional by the courts. However, it allowed Wilson to be re-elected as California's governor for four more years.

Proposition 187 bitterly angered California's Latino community, which has built steam for 24 years and there is no sign that it will break anytime soon. Few Republicans, including Arnold Schwarzenegger, have been elected to statewide office in California since, and none for the last eight years. The California Republican Party has become less relevant after this midterm election and unless things change, it will become extinct.

For example, in 1996, two years after his re-election, Latino groups were declaring Pete Wilson the "Man of the Year" for waking up the sleeping giant Latino community. During that period, millions of Latino immigrants began to switch their status from green card to U.S. citizenship, learning English and exercising their right to vote. Even our late elderly Mother got her citizenship after holding a green card since 1950 telling us "Para votar a contra Pete Wilson" (So I can vote against Pete Wilson.) Yes, this after Wilson had termed out of office.

The number of Latinos running and being elected into office in California began to substantially increase in 1996. The increasing number of Latinos in the Legislature allowed for a monumental change to take place in the halls of power in Sacramento. Former State Senator Richard G. Polanco, who chaired the Latino Legislative Caucus at the time, engineered the greatest increase in Latino political power by creating the dynamic to elect the first Latino Speaker of the State Assembly, Cruz M. Bustamante from Fresno. The number of Latino legislators in California grew to 30. Eventually, Bustamante was elected to Lt. Governor and the circle of power in the highest echelons of State government were penetrated by Latinos. So, yes, thank you Pete Wilson.

Fast forward.

In 2016 Donald Trump referred to Mexicans in front of all America as rapists, drug lords and criminals when he declared his candidacy for president of the United States. In the last two years President Trump's anti-Mexican and immigrant rhetoric again lit a fire under thousands of highly able and influential Latinos in California and across the nation who do not forget the vile actions of Pete Wilson. The anger became a national issue as Trump ignored the cries of Puerto Ricans after hurricane Maria devastated Puerto Rico, creating a firestorm in social media of "hate Trump."

Today, as in 1994, Latinos find themselves shocked, surprised but much better prepared for the incredible disrespect they see and feel coming from the President of the United States.

Now, just as in California, we see the American Latinos reacting to Trump's anti-immigrant rhetoric by increasing its voter turnout, especially for Democrats. As a result the influence on the political fortunes defined by significant Latino populations are shifting priorities in law making, enforcement and public resources. Latino public policy priorities include quality education, public safety, economic development (business & jobs) and civic engagement.

Across the country Democratic gains in Congress and Governor Offices were made because of an angry, excited and engaged Latino voting community.

There is little doubt that President Trump's immigration rhetoric reminded Latinos in California of Pete Wilson's hate towards Latinos, especially Mexican Americans. There appears no end in sight that will change that important and powerful American political dynamic of Latino anger towards Republicans. California Republicans are as omnipotent as can be and soon will expire due to their irrelevancy.

It is not surprising to see a surge of Latino civic engagement in California, Arizona, Colorado, Texas, Nevada, North Carolina, Illinois, New York, New Mexico and Florida. And, just like in California, the Latino community's political reaction to anti-immigrant rhetoric may last another 24 years as it spreads across America.

The California Republican Party leadership would have to beg for the Latino community's forgiveness in an unprecedented manner for them to even begin accepting Republican participation again to secure their long-term survival.

The ever-growing and substantial political power being gained in 2018 by the Latino community in California is unprecedented. Therefore, Latino Journal declares Donald Trump "Man of the Year" for inspiring this change.

Latinos, like everyone else, just want to be respected and treated as Americans. Nothing wrong with that.
 
Latino Journal was founded in 1996 in Sacramento, CA by José L. Pérez. Latino Journal provides non-partisan discussion and analysis on public policy, government and business. Future topics include education, economic development, civic engagement, and many other topics. It also convenes policy forums and receptions recognizing Leaders in government, community and business.
 
SacLatino Magazine was founded in 2008 in Sacramento, CA by Adrian Pérez to establish a voice for the growing Latino community in the Sacramento and San Joaquin Valleys



Jun 21, 2018

Small Business Summit Held in Orange County

Business regulations, healthcare and taxes discussed.

WASHINGTON -- On June 15, The Latino Coalition (TLC), the leading, national non-partisan advocacy organization representing Hispanic businesses and consumers, and Job Creators Network (JCN), hosted the Small Business Rising Summit at the Marriott Irvine Spectrum Hotel in Orange County, CA.

Attracting over 200 dynamic business leaders, prominent executives and high-profile speakers, the Small Business Rising Summit featured deep-dive sessions that examined the impact of regulations, healthcare and taxes. Showcasing the importance of small business to the overall economy and how to leverage entrepreneurial diversity for optimal opportunities, the event highlighted key public policies and gave attendees the opportunity to build professional and personal networks.

"The Small Business Rising Summit in California highlighted the fact that the environment for small businesses to start and grow has never been more promising," said The Latino Coalition Chairman and former U.S. Small Business Administrator Hector Barreto. "Providing invaluable insight and resources for independent business owners, or 'founders,' the summit took a closer look at the historic economic success we are seeing thanks to policies that are good for job creation. America is on the rise again, and entrepreneurs are excited about opportunities that will unleash more of this nation's economic potential."

Headlining the event was former Secretary of Health and Human Services and Job Creators Network Fellow Tom Price. As a physician who has served in the legislative and executive branches, Price offered a unique perspective on the practical and policy implications of volatility in health insurance premiums.

Attendees also heard from business leaders and experts such as: Anna Cabral, former U.S. Treasurer; Carlos Contreras, Commercial Vice President at California Resource Corporations; President & CEO AltaMed Health Services; Zoila Escobar, President of AltaMed Foundation AltaMed Health Services Corporation; Jennifer Korn, Special Assistant to the President and White House Deputy Director for the Office of Public Liaison; Alfredo Ortiz, President and CEO of Job Creators Network; Thomas Sullivan, Vice President of Small Business Policy at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce; Maxine Turner, Cuisine Unlimited Chair, U.S. Chamber Council on Small Business; and Peter Villegas, Vice President of Latin Affairs for The Coca-Cola Company, among others.

"Last week's Small Business Rising Summit helped us personally connect with the driving force of our economy. Focused on this nation's job creators, the event touched upon the challenges entrepreneurs face today, while also serving as an effective tool to help build and improve small business development," said Alfredo Ortiz, president and CEO of The Job Creators Network.

A significant deliverable during the summit was Chairman Barreto's announcement of a new partnership through a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with the Job Creators Network and Latino's For Tennessee. These organizations join TLC's network of 100+ partners working to enhance the overall business, economic and social objectives of the Hispanic community.

President and CEO of Litografía Magno Graf, Armando Prida Huerta was recognized with the Sanchez to Sanchez to Smith Award for his successful career trajectory and unwavering leadership within the Latino community.

"With such an exciting time for the fastest growing sector of the economy, I am looking forward to our October 2nd Gala in our nation's Capital. We anticipate a historic gathering of the business community to celebrate the growth and prosperity of Latino business founders, and our contributions to the U.S. economy," Barreto added.

The Latino Coalition would like to thank the following Title Sponsor: Wal-Mart. TLC also acknowledges and is grateful for all its partners: AltaMed Health Services Corporation, Altria Client Services, Alvarado Smith, American Facility Service Group Inc., Association for Affordable Medicines, AT&T, Atticus Group Inc., Bank of America, Benefits Exchange Alliance, California Resource Corporation, Coca-Cola Company, Comcast/Universal, Direct Selling Association, East West Bank, Ecco Select, Google, Herbalife, Hispanic Business Roundtable Institute, H&R Block, International Franchise Association, Intuit, Koch Industries, McDonald's, Microsoft, National Association of Broadcasters, National Cable & Telecommunications Association, NV Energy, PG&E, PhRMA, Southern California Edison, T-Mobile, The Latino Coalition Foundation, The Libre Initiative, Tributo Tequila, U.S. Chamber Institute for Legal Reform, Univision, Verizon. Media Partners: Conexión, Finding Productions, Tico Sports Productions, LLC.

SOURCE The Latino Coalition

May 8, 2018

The American Civil War Origins of Cinco de Mayo

By David E. Hayes-Bautista
The NiLP Report (April 18, 2018)

Why is the Cinco de Mayo so widely celebrated in the United States, when it is scarcely noticed in Mexico? The answer to that question is to be found in the lived experience of tens of thousands of Spanish speakers residing in what is now the American West during the American Civil War.
 
What? Latinos in the American Civil War?
 
When Hidalgo proclaimed Mexico's independence from Spain in 1810, he also announced racial equality in citizenship and the abolition of slavery in the new republic. When the US seized control of the northern half of Mexico in 1848, it also acquired a large, Spanish-speaking, racially mixed (mestizo) population that was largely uncomfortable with the new US constitutional values that permitted slavery and denied citizenship to non-white persons.
 
Latino delegates successfully pushed the 1849 California Constitutional Convention to honor Mexico's earlier abolition of slavery, to allow non-white persons to become voting citizens, and to do so in both Spanish and English. California's entry to the US as a free state, without an accompanying slave state as mandated by the 1820 Missouri Compromise, nearly led to Slave State secession and civil war immediately. The compromise of 1850 staved off this war for a decade, and during that time tens of thousands of Spanish-speakers from every corner of Latin America poured into California and Nevada seeking gold and silver.
 
When the Civil War did erupt in 1861, Latinos in the American West overwhelmingly supported Abraham Lincoln and the United States against the Slave State Confederacy. Latinos joined the United States Army, and rode in units of Spanish Speaking US Cavalry: the first full admiral of the US navy was a bilingual, bicultural Latino, David Farragut. Yet, from the very first Battle of Bull Run, the Slave State armies rode a streak of luck, winning highly visible battles in the Virginia Theater of War, while Lincoln's army appeared unable to win the big battles.
 
Then, things got worse. Taking advantage of Lincoln's preoccupation with the Civil War, Napoleon III, the Emperor of the French, sent his army into Mexico for the purpose of destroying a republic with its constitutional values and installing Maximilian of Austria as a new emperor, who would then be free to make an alliance with the rebelling Slave States.
 
Latinos in the American West followed the advance of the French army through Mexico via the lively Spanish language press in San Francisco and Los Angeles. When the French army was only about three days' march away from Mexico City, the future for dark-skinned mestizos who might fall under the power of the Confederacy appeared to be bleak.
 
Like a streak of lightning in the dark night sky, the news arrived, and it was electrifying: The French did not make it to Mexico City to create a Slave State friend south of the border---they were stopped dead at the Battle of Puebla fought on Cinco de Mayo of 1862, and thrown back to the coast at Veracruz. Although the news arrived three weeks after the actual battle, Latinos in California, Nevada and Oregon immediately erupted into joyous, spontaneous celebrations, They then began to organize themselves into the first regional network of Latino community organizations, the Juntas Patrióticas Mejicanas. It was established in 129 locations in in the American West, to channel their economic support to Juarez for his purchase of arms and ammunition to fight the French, and their political support Lincoln. Each Junta met every month, three or four speakers would harangue the crowds at each meeting, and the focal point of most of the speeches was the victory of Cinco de Mayo.
 
Every year, the Juntas in many towns organized public events on the Cinco de Mayo as a public statement of where Latinos stood on the issues of the American Civil War: they opposed slavery and supported freedom; they opposed white supremacy and supported racial equality. Led by both the Mexican and the US flags, parades would march through the streets of towns and mining camps of the American West, speakers would energize the crowds, bands played music, the militia saluted with rifles and cannon, and then dances would last until the early hors of the morning.
 
Cinco de Mayo has been observed in Los Angeles every year since 1862, without a break. But the history of its origins as a civil rights commemoration has been lost over the past 160 years, and it has become reduced, in many cases, to "Drinko de Mayo."
 
It is time to take Cinco de Mayo back from drunken revelers wearing sarapes and straw sombreros, and return it to its origins as a Latino public statement of commitment to freedom, equality and democracy. I would encourage us all to commit to creating the 21
st century version, "Cinco de Mayo for social justice."
 
¡Que viva el Cinco de Mayo!   
 
David E. Hayes-Bautista, PhD
is Distinguished Professor of Medicine and Director of the Center for the Study of Latino Health and Culture at the David Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA. He is the author of the book upon which this commentary is based, El Cinco de Mayo: An American Tradition (University of California Press, 2012). He can be reached at dhayesb@ucla.edu.

Feb 7, 2018

Newsom, Villaraigosa in Virtual Tie

Feinstein Leads de León by Double Digits - Likely Voters Divided on Repealing Gas Tax, Easing Proposition 13 Limits for Commercial Properties 

SAN FRANCISCO — Democrats Gavin Newsom and Antonio Villaraigosa are running a close race among likely voters in the gubernatorial primary. Senator Dianne Feinstein continues to lead fellow Democrat Kevin de León, state senate president pro tem, by double digits. However, many voters in both primary contests are undecided.

These are among the key findings of a statewide survey released by the Public Policy Institute of California (PPIC).

Newsom (23%) and Villaraigosa (21%) are the top two candidates in the June primary for governor, with 24 percent of likely voters undecided. Fewer would vote for Democrat John Chiang (9%), Republican Travis Allen (8%), Republican John Cox (7%), Democrat Delaine Eastin (4%), or Republican Doug Ose (3%). Results were similar in December, before Ose entered the race, with Newsom (23%) and Villaraigosa (18%) in the lead. Today, Newsom and Villaraigosa are tied at 32 percent each among Democratic likely voters. Among Republican likely voters, Allen receives 24 percent and Cox 20 percent, with 35 percent undecided. Among independents, Newsom gets 24 percent and Villaraigosa 17 percent, with 35 percent undecided. Nearly half of Latino likely voters (48%) support Villaraigosa.

“Two Democrats are in a virtual tie in the top-two gubernatorial primary. But a quarter of likely voters are undecided—as many as support either of the front-runners,” said Mark Baldassare, PPIC president and CEO.

Most likely voters (54%) are satisfied with their choice of candidates in the gubernatorial primary. But there are strong partisan differences: 71 percent of Democrats are satisfied, compared to 38 percent of Republicans and 44 percent of independents. Only about a third of likely voters say they are following news about the gubernatorial candidates very closely (7%) or fairly closely (23%).

Before being asked about the primary election, likely voters were asked for their impressions of the gubernatorial candidates. They were given each candidate’s name and commonly used title because official ballot titles have not yet been announced. While 40 percent have favorable opinions of Newsom, California’s lieutenant governor, and Villaraigosa, former Los Angeles mayor, majorities say they have no opinion or have never heard of Allen, Chiang, Cox, Eastin, or Ose. Villaraigosa’s favorability rating among likely voters is up slightly from December (40% today, up from 31%).

As Dianne Feinstein seeks a fifth term in the US Senate, she leads de León (46% to 17%), with a third of likely voters (33%) undecided. (The PPIC survey includes only candidates with significant news coverage and resources.) Two-thirds of Democratic likely voters (67%) support Feinstein, 19 percent support de León, and 13 percent are undecided. With no prominent Republicans in the race, about two-thirds of Republican likely voters (65%) are undecided. Among independent likely voters, 41 percent favor Feinstein, 16 percent favor de León, and 39 percent are undecided. Feinstein leads de León by double digits across regions and racial/ethnic groups, and among men (39% to 16%) and women (51% to 18%).

A majority of likely voters (52%) have a favorable opinion of Feinstein (38% unfavorable). A majority also say they either have never heard of de León (45%) or don’t know enough about him to have an opinion (19%). Just 16 percent view him favorably (19% unfavorably).

Most Value Candidates’ Experience in Elected Office, Stands on Issues
Which qualification is more important in a candidate for statewide office: experience as an elected official or experience running a business? A solid majority of likely voters (62%) prefer experience in elected office. This is a high mark in PPIC surveys and a notable increase from December 2015 (49% elected office, 43% running a business) and September 2010 (44% elected office, 43% running a business), when Jerry Brown and Meg Whitman vied for the governor’s seat. Partisans are sharply divided on this question: 84 percent of Democratic likely voters prefer experience in elected office and 65 percent of Republican likely voters prefer experience running a business. Independents are more likely to prefer experience as an officeholder (56% to 36%). Across all racial/ethnic groups and regions, majorities of likely voters prefer experience in elected office. Likely voters ages 18 to 34 are more likely than older voters to express this view (76% 18 to 34, 59% 35 to 54, 57% 55 and older).

When choosing a statewide leader, such as governor or US senator, 60 percent of likely voters say a candidate’s stands on the issues is the most important qualification, while 17 percent say a candidate’s experience, 16 percent say a candidate’s character, and 6 percent say a candidate’s party affiliation.

Divided on Gas Tax Repeal, Proposition 13 Change
Likely voters are divided (47% favor, 48% oppose) when asked whether they favor repeal of the recently passed increase in the state gasoline tax, a measure that could be on the ballot this fall. Majorities of Republican (61%) and independent (52%) likely voters favor repeal, compared to 39 percent of Democratic likely voters.

Likely voters are also divided about the idea of easing the strict limits on commercial property taxes imposed by Proposition 13. A proposed measure would tax commercial properties according to their fair market value but not lift Proposition 13 limits on residential property taxes—creating a “split roll” tax system. While 46 percent favor the idea, 43 percent are opposed and 11 percent don’t know. Support for this proposal is at its lowest point among likely voters since PPIC began asking about it in January 2012 (60% in favor). Today, a majority of Democratic likely voters (53%) are in favor, compared to 45 percent of independent and 34 percent of Republican likely voters. Support is similar among homeowners (47%) and renters (44%).

Immigration Seen as Top Issue for State Leaders to Tackle
Californians name immigration as the most important issue for the governor and legislature to work on this year (20% all adults, 23% likely voters). Other issues are named by less than 10 percent of residents (9% jobs, economy; 8% education, schools, teachers; 7% state budget, deficit; 6% infrastructure). Immigration is the most frequently named issue across the state’s major regions and across partisan groups (28% Republicans, 20% Democrats, 18% independents).

The survey—taken just after California became a sanctuary state on January 1—asked whether the state and local governments should make their own policies and take action separate from the federal government to protect the legal rights of undocumented immigrants in California. Majorities (65% adults, 58% likely voters) are in favor. Partisan divisions on this question are stark (83% Democrats, 53% independents, 21% Republicans are in favor). Majorities across regions and age, education, income, and racial/ethnic groups are in favor.

Overwhelming majorities (85% adults, 81% likely voters) favor the protections given by DACA, the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, to undocumented immigrants brought to the US as children. Majorities of state residents across parties, regions, and demographic groups favor the program, which President Trump has announced will end.

“Californians across regions are most likely to name immigration as the top issue facing California today, and majorities across party lines are in favor of the DACA protections,” Baldassare said.

Divided Views of Legislative Leaders’ Actions on Sexual Misconduct
Nearly half of adults (46%) are closely following news about sexual harassment and misconduct in the legislature. Likely voters are even more likely (59%) to be following news of this issue —much larger than the percentage following news about the gubernatorial candidates (30%). Californians are divided in their views about how Democratic leaders in the legislature are addressing sexual harassment (39% adults approve, 36% disapprove; 38% likely voters approve, 38% disapprove). Democrats (52%) are far more likely than independents (28%) or Republicans (18%) to approve. Women and men have similar views: 40 percent of women and 38 percent of men approve of Democratic leaders’ handling of the issue.

“Many Californians are closely following news about sexual misconduct in the state legislature, and they are divided about how Democratic leaders are handling this issue so far,” Baldassare said.

Majorities Approve of Brown, Proposed Budget
As Jerry Brown begins his final year as governor, 56 percent of adults and 57 percent of likely voters approve of the way he is handling his job. An overwhelming majority of Democrats (76%), nearly half of independents (47%), and a quarter of Republicans (26%) approve of the governor’s job performance.

About two-thirds of Californians (67% adults, 66% likely voters) approve of the governor’s budget when they are read a brief description of the plan, which projects a one-time surplus and would bring the rainy day fund to 100 percent of its constitutional target. Strong majorities (70% adults, 65% likely voters) favor the governor’s proposal to spend $4.6 billion from the recently passed gas tax and vehicle fees to repair roads, highways, and bridges; improve commute corridors; and improve local rail and public transit systems.

Half of Californians (51% adults, 50% likely voters) approve of the job the legislature is doing. Most Democrats (69%) approve, while far fewer independents (37%) and Republicans (24%) express support. Will the governor and legislature be able to work together and accomplish a lot in the next year? Most (60% adults, 58% likely voters) say yes.

Low Ratings for Trump, Congress—and Pessimism about Collaboration
In contrast, far fewer Californians (29% adults, 27% likely voters) say that President
Trump and the US Congress will be able to work together and accomplish a lot in the next year. At the close of the president’s first year in office, his approval rating in California is 26 percent among adults and 32 percent among likely voters. A strong majority of Republicans (72%) approve of the president’s job performance, while just 31 percent of independents and 7 percent of Democrats concur. Congress’s approval rating is lower than the president’s: 21 percent among all adults, 15 percent among likely voters. Negative views of Congress are held across parties: just 27 percent of Republicans, 18 percent of independents, and 10 percent of Democrats approve of the way the Republican-led Congress is doing its job.

Source:  PPIC

Feb 2, 2018

Latino Internet and TV use is tied

TV share has dropped from 92% in 2006 to 79% in 2016

On a typical weekday, three-quarters of U.S. Latinos get their news from internet sources, nearly equal to the share who do so from television, according to a 2016 survey of Latino adults by Pew Research Center.
For years, TV was the most commonly used platform for news among U.S. Hispanics. In recent years, however, the share getting their news from TV has declined, from 92% in 2006 to 79% in 2016. Meanwhile, 74% of Hispanics said in 2016 that they used the internet – including social media or smartphone apps – as a source of news on a typical weekday, up from 37% in 2006.
Hispanics also consume news from radio and newspapers, but neither is as widely used as TV or the internet. In 2016, 55% of Hispanics got news from radio on a typical weekday, down from 64% in 2006 (but mostly unchanged from 2012). The use of newspapers as a news source continued its decline, falling from 58% in 2006 to 34% a decade later.
The growth of the internet as a news source on a typical weekday among Hispanics mirrors the trend in the overall U.S. population. As Pew Research Center previously reported, the internet is closing in on TV as the top source for news among all Americans.
Millennials (those ages 18 to 35 in 2016) are driving many of the changes in Hispanic news consumption – in part because this generation makes up more than a quarter of U.S. Hispanic adults, a higher share than among other racial or ethnic groups. In 2016, 91% of Hispanic Millennials got news from the internet on a typical weekday, making them the only generation of Hispanics for which the internet is the most widely used news platform. By contrast, television remains the top source for news among older generations of Hispanics (even as the internet grows as a source of news for all generations).
Foreign-born Latinos, who tend to be older than U.S.-born Latinos, continue to rely heavily on TV for news. In 2016, 85% of foreign-born Latinos said that on a typical weekday they got their news from TV, the group’s most widely used news source. Meanwhile, two-thirds (67%) of foreign-born Latinos said they use the internet for news, a share that has increased sharply since 2006, when only 25% said so. (News consumption among U.S.-born Latinos generally reflects that of Latinos overall.)
Many Latinos speak English and Spanish, and this bilingualism is reflected in their news habits. In 2016, Latinos primarily consumed news in English, with 83% saying they get at least some of their news in this language on a typical weekday (29% only in English and 54% in both English and Spanish). At the same time, a comparable share (71%) said they get at least some of their news in Spanish (17% only in Spanish and 54% in both English and Spanish).
Hispanic Millennials use English-language news sources more than older generations, with 91% in 2016 saying they get at least some of their news in English, compared with 68% who said they consume at least some of their news in Spanish.
Foreign-born Latinos, by contrast, prefer Spanish-language news sources: 89% in 2016 said they get at least some of their news in Spanish, and 70% said they get at least some of it in English.
The landscape of news outlets has changed over the past decade as the news habits of Hispanics have shifted. Univision and Telemundo, the two largest Spanish-language television networks in the U.S., have had viewership declines in their most popular news programs. In addition, several news outlets that targeted Hispanics as a primary audience, often in English, have either closed or been folded into larger news organizations, including CNN Latino, NBC Latino, Fox News Latino and VOXXI.
Note: See here for full topline results and for methodology (PDF).

Jan 17, 2018

WHAT LATINOS IN CALIFORNIA THINK ABOUT THE RACE FOR GOVERNOR

Poll finds Latino voters in California highly engaged, but candidates for governor need to increase outreach

A statewide poll of Latino registered voters by Latino Decisions finds that 68% intend to vote in the June 2018 primary elections for Governor and other statewide office, and that 2016 election of Donald Trump has further engaged and politicized Latinos. The poll of 900 Latino voters, was commissioned by the Latino Community Foundation, asked Latino registered voters their preference in the June 2018 primary election, as well as most important issues facing the state, and how closely they are following political affairs. Overall, 79% of Latino voters said they somewhat or very often follow California state politics and current affairs, while 46% said the election of Donald Trump in 2016 has increased their interest in politics. According to Latino Decisions co-founder, and poll director Matt Barreto, “Latino voters in California are very highly engaged and politicized in 2018 and ready to make their voice heard at the ballot box. In a state with more than 4.5 million Latino voters, politicians need to pay close attention to this community which we expect will participate at record high levels in 2018.”
When it comes to the critical question of the 2018 gubernatorial election, Democrat Antonio Villaraigosa was the leading candidate among Latino voters with 39% compared to 15% for Democrat Gavin Newsom. Still, both front-runners were leaving a lot of Latino votes up for grabs with 23% favoring another candidate and 22% saying they were undecided. Thus, the pivotal Latino vote remains in flux heading into the primary, with Villaraigosa perhaps best poised to capture the lion’s share.

Overall, Villaraigosa carried a 61% favorable rating, compared to 19% unfavorable, for a net +42 favorability among Latino voters with 19% stating they had no opinion of the former Los Angeles mayor. Fellow Democrat Gavin Newsom had 34% favorable against 18% unfavorable, for a net +16 favorability rating, but a large percent – 48% – said they had no opinion of Newsom. Likewise, other candidates for Governor found themselves with a majority of Latino voters stating “no opinion” with 55% giving no rating of Democrat John Chiang, 64% for Democrat Delaine Eastin, 75% had not heard of Republican John Cox, and 73% had no opinion of Republican Travis Allen.

Jacqueline Martinez Garcel, CEO of the Latino Community Foundation, stated “Latinos in California represent the largest Latino voting bloc in the nation. They are engaged and paying attention especially in light of today’s political climate. All of the candidates can do a better job in reaching out to this group. Informing and mobilizing Latinos will strengthen our state’s democracy.”
In their evaluations of the political parties, just 17% said the Republican Party was doing a good job of reaching out to Latino voters, while 46% said Republicans don’t care too much, and 31% thought Republicans were hostile towards Latinos. In contrast, 53% thought Democrats were doing a good job in their outreach, far better than Republicans, but also far lower than the 83% favorability rating given to former President Barack Obama, suggesting Democrats have work to do in shoring up the Latino vote.
Gary Segura, co-founder and senior partner of Latino Decisions added that “while Latino voters show high marks for political interest and taking action, most of the candidates are not breaking through yet and they need to seriously increase their outreach efforts to Latino voters. Simply put, Latino outreach cannot be an afterthought in California.”
In terms of public policy, Latino voters in California said the top issues they expected the next Governor to address are immigrant rights, creating jobs and improving the economy, increasing investment in public schools, expanding access to health care and encouraging affordable housing. All of these issues will be discussed at the 2018 Gubernatorial Forum hosted by the Latino Community Foundation and Univision on January 25, 2018.
The Poll was conducted by Latino Decisions and funded by the Latino Community Foundation and The San Francisco Foundation.